Monday, August 29, 2011

Her life and work...a litany for survival...

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This was seminal...still is...

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I'm awake...

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Friday, August 26, 2011

The Ogoni have been talking oil related damage for quite some time...

The agony of Ogoni
Nnimmo Bassey

When the Ogoni people demanded a halt to the unwholesome acts of the Shell Production and Development Company (SPDC or Shell) and the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), the government called them names and unleashed security agents to maim, rape and murder and hound many into exile.

The report on the pollution of Ogoniland prepared by the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) and released on August 4, 2011, marks the first official confirmation that there is a major tragedy on our hands. UNEP's report unequivocally shows that the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) under the prescient leadership of Ken Saro-Wiwa was not crying wolf when it maintained that grave injustice was being inflicted on Ogoniland.

UNEP officials say the report was issued to respond to innuendos. At over $9 million, this must be the most expensive innuendo-dousing report on record. Whether the "innuendo" provoked the study or the release of the study is not known. But if it was that the report was a prelude to resumption of oil exploitation in Ogoniland, it is certainly not doused.

It is shocking that in the face of the Ogoni tragic environment the UNEP report suggests a possible restarting of oil exploitation in Ogoniland. That may be likened to obtaining blood from a dying man.

The report largely says what has been known and said before. But this is official and very valuable. When Shell doled out the funds for the study, they claimed they did so on the basis of the polluter-pays principle. True. Shell polluted Ogoniland, just as they and other companies have done and continue to do all over the Niger Delta.

Claims by Shell that a majority of the oil spills in Ogoni are caused by interference by local people flies in the face of the observations in the UNEP report. The report says the bush refineries, for example, became prominent from 2007. Obviously, one of the conclusions should have been that with livelihoods utterly destroyed, some of the people had to find a means of survival and chose this unfortunate and illegal trade. With UNEP's obvious care not to antagonise Shell in the report, this path was not pursued.

In a critique of the UNEP report, Richard Steiner of Oasis Earth organisation, Alaska, writes: "The UNEP report devotes several pages (161-166) specifically to artisanal refining at the Bodo West oilfield, and correctly reports an unfortunate increase in such between 2007 and 2011. However, in this analysis of oil pollution in this region, UNEP entirely ignores the other much larger source of oil spilled into this same region in that same time period - the twin ruptures of the Trans Niger Pipeline (TNP) caused by SPDC negligence in 2008 and 2009. Together these spills contributed between 250,000 - 350,000 barrels of oil into this system, orders of magnitude more than illegal refining. Much of the oil at Bodo West area likely derived from the TNP Bodo spills." How do these compare to the volume of spills from artisanal refineries?

Professor Steiner also wonders why the UNEP study report says that "no single clear and continuous source of spilled oil was observed or reported during UNEP's site visits," whereas the massive spills at Bodo occurred at the time of the study and the combined spill volume may well exceed that of the Exxon Valdez that occurred in Alaska in 1989.

Much has already been said about the contents of the report and the dire state of the Ogoni environment. A significant problem that may scuttle efforts at acceptable cleanup of Ogoniland is the lack of capacity or unwillingness of Nigerian regulatory agencies to enforce laws and to act independently. Their independence is of course affected by the fact that Shell has infiltrated the petroleum ministry in a deep and total way (remember WikiLeaks cables). If government is serious about regulating the sector it will need to ensure that those called to make this happen are not connected to Shell's umbilical cord.

How, for instance, could government officials certify that oil spills have been cleared up and impacted areas remediated whereas the contrary is the case? According to UNEP there are 10 "remediation completed" sites showing ongoing pollution in Ogoni. Shell's spill management was also called to question as they use incompetent contractors for jobs that require knowledge, skills and equipment.

The confirmation that Shell has poor diligence in its oil spill responses and that our regulatory agencies endorse the pattern raises serious issues about the situation in other parts of the Niger Delta where this impunity continues unabated.

Other matters arising from the UNEP report that call for immediate follow-up include the inconclusive study on public health issues even though a gamut of medical records were surveyed. Same about vegetation and also rainwater that the people turn to in the face of living beside polluted rivers, creeks and waterways.

We now have official confirmation that the Ogoni people are drinking water polluted 900 times above World Health Organisation's standards. We also now know that the ground is polluted up to a depth of 5 metres at some places. We know that there are cancer causing elements in the water and in the air. We also know that there are toxic wastes dumped in unlined pits in Ogoniland. These issues are replicated all over the Niger Delta. But they are heightened in those areas because you must factor in the highly toxic gas flares.

Ogoniland (read Niger Delta) ranks as one of the most polluted places on earth. What is urgently needed is for the federal government to declare an environmental state of emergency here. Ecological problems do not observe community or political boundaries. How the government handles this case will tell a lot about who we are as a people.


* Nnimmo Bassey is a Nigerian environmentalist activist and poet, elected chair of Friends of the Earth International and executive director of Environmental Rights Action.
* This article first appeared on
* Please send comments to editor[at]pambazuka[dot]org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

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They're so manipulative...statue of Martin Luther King unveiling...

So, people are protesting the Tar Sands development, being arrested and obamarama is away on vacation, is it?

And they're unveiling this statue of Martin Luther King which serves as lovely counterpoint to the protests and arrests that are happening right now. They're touting it as special because it's a statue of a Black man rather than of a white man, thereby artificially pitting Black people's struggles against those of people struggling to preserve the land.

Our struggles are only separate for those who would see us compete with each other for crumbs while the planet is destroyed.

Fuck their stupid ass statue funded by Pepsico, General Motors, Fedex, G.E., Exxon, Mobile....check the names of corps on that list who need that tarsands oil to flow in order to continue to function. Nasty, nasty, nasty, disgustingly nasty.

Deal with the issues at hand! Stop the arrests! Stop the wars! Stop hoarding wealth! De-claw Wall Street!

Now that he is safely dead
Let us praise him
build monuments to his glory
sing hosannas to his name.
Dead men make
such convenient heroes: They
cannot rise
to challenge the images
we would fashion from their lives.
And besides,
it is easier to build monuments
than to make a better world.
excerpt from poet Carl Wendell Hines’ poem, ‘Now That He Is Safely Dead’ about Martin Luther King, Jr.

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Thursday, August 25, 2011

I wanted to spend the afternoon drawing....

...but that didn't happen. i was distracted...stressed...anxious...

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They're still amassing to protest the tar sands...

I agree with Ward Churchill who writes that pacifist protesting doesn't actually do anything. The powers that be really like to arrest lefties...while still ignoring the issues that are meaningful to all of us. Still...sigh...

Over 160 Arrested in Ongoing Civil Disobedience Against Keystone XL Tar Sands Oil Pipeline

Fifty-two environmental activists were arrested Monday in front of the White House as part of an ongoing protest calling on the Obama administration to reject a permit for the 1,700-mile Keystone XL pipeline project, which would deliver Canada tar sands oil to refineries in Texas, and rather focus on developing clean energy. An estimated 2,000 people have signed up to hold sit-ins and commit other acts of civil disobedience outside the White House every day for the next two weeks — 162 have already been arrested since Saturday. Also joining the protest are indigenous First Nations communities in Canada and landowners along the Keystone XL pipeline’s planned route. An editorial in Sunday’s New York Times joined in calling on the State Department to reject the pipeline, noting that the extraction of petroleum from the tar sands creates far more greenhouse emissions than conventional production. Meanwhile, oil industry backers of the project emphasize what they say are the economic benefits of the $7 billion proposal. As the Obama administration remains undecided whether to approve the Keystone XL pipeline, we speak with Bill McKibben, who joins us from Washington, D.C., where he was released Monday after spending two nights in jail. He is part of Tar Sands Action, a group of environmentalists, indigenous communities, labor unions and scientific experts calling for action to stop the project. "This is the first real civil disobedience of this scale in the environmental movement in ages," McKibben says.

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This woman's book "Poor Bashing" is one of the most brilliant books I've read in the last twenty years...

No One Is Illegal-Vancouver Coast Salish Territories presents an interview with Jean Swanson as part of "Inheriting Resistance: A Community History Project".

Jean Swanson works at the Carnegie Community Action Project for more and
better housing, higher incomes and to stop gentrification in the Downtown
Eastside. Previously she helped found and worked at a provincial
anti-poverty coalition, End Legislated Poverty, and in the 1970s, at the
Downtown Eastside Residents' Association. Jean has also worked to stop
the free trade deals, and to help organise Vancouver's big peace marches
in the 1980s. She wrote a book called Poor Bashing, the politics of
exclusion. For many of these years Jean was a single parent living in
poverty with her two children. In 1985 she met her partner, Sandy
Cameron, who worked with her in these struggles for social justice.

Inheriting Resistance: A Community History Project

No One Is Illegal Vancouver Coast Salish Territories is humbled and excited to announce our latest project titled “Inheriting Resistance”.

Excerpts of interviews now being released!

1) Interview with Jean Swanson here

“Inheriting Resistance” came about in light of the recent passing of beloved elders and community members Phillipa Ryan and Hari Sharma. Their life and work has taught and inspired many of us in the NOII collective, as well as many individuals within the broader community. We are reminded of the stories and lessons which remain to be shared and learned from in order to create a meaningful intergenerational movement.

Over the next year, NOII will be documenting the untold stories of people in our communities who have been involved in and who have shaped a diversity of social justice struggles on unceded Coast Salish Territories over the past 20-40 years. We will be interviewing 10-12 people and will be posting shorter, edited videos and transcripts of interviews throughout the year. In 2012, we will be launching a booklet with compiled archival material as well as the full-length video interviews.

Some of the questions we will be asking include:
- Who or what inspired you to get involved?
- What kept you involved and going especially during hard times?
- What advice would you give those activists who are organizing today?
- What is the most successful campaign or movement you have known in terms of building community power and affecting change?
- Tell us about love.

The project is based on a deep desire held by many of us as young activists to learn more about the history of our movements (anti-war, anti-poverty, anti-racist, Indigenous, labour, queer, anti-imperialist, feminist and migrant justice) and to directly learn from those people who have paved the path of resistance for our generations. We acknowledge that this project is one small part of centering the perspective and wisdom of older activists, organizers, and revolutionaries, and that unfortunately we will be unable to interview as many people as we would like to.

We are committed to honouring the legacy of those who have struggled before us – and in many cases, who still continue to struggle alongside us – for social, economic, political, and environmental justice. Together, we envision a humanity where everyone has the right to sustenance and the ability to provide it, where we are free of oppression, and are able to live meaningfully in relationship to one another and in reverence for Mother Earth that sustains us.

For more info:
Email or call 778 848 0722

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Wednesday, August 24, 2011

The dirty south...sooo, sooo many movies about denial...

i'm cross-posting these from my okcupid journal. heh. :) i don't think these kinds of posts are helping me meet any "nice" men. ;) hehehehe

Disgusting happy deep south racist propaganda

Aug 21

aka - The Help.

i'm tired of revisionist bullshite designed to make white people feel more comfortable with ongoing fucking white domination. It's so disgusting. Where's the fucking toilet? I want to puke.

I hear that there's a lawsuit against Kathryn Stockett. Why am I not surprised?

Remember when the supposed visionary writer/directors of The Matrix got dragged into court for stealing from a Black woman? henh. :)

I'm so tired of romanticized movies about the not too distant old south.

I prefer flicks like The Skeleton Key.

Now, that made me laugh uproariously, especially the ending. BooooOOOOO...(spoiler alert!!!) scary negro slave possession. LOVED IT! :)

But of course, I'm the same person who has been faithfully watching episodes of the perky breasted Sookie, tooth picked fanged Bill and potty mouth AIDS Burger Lafayette, True Blood for a few years, now. ;)

yup. no utopian, happy clappy solutions to real life problems that the oppressed face every fucking day.

even though the show participates in that fine old racist tradition also known as colour blindness, it has so many raw and bloody layers of meaning that i appreciate. and yes, the dialogue is filled with oppressive tidbits that anyone can recognize and unpack ad nauseum. but what i like is that the black gay man is proud, full of voice and triumphant rather than dominated, silent and defeated, able to turn the implied threat of aggressive white male violence the white straight men are attempting to use against him back on them, walking away, not limping away emotionally and physically bruised, with his pride and with the sense that he has resisted multiple layers of domination to the best of his ability with whatever analysis he possesses. queers bash back!

i don't fault him the patriarchal cussings. i'd use whatever tools i had at my disposal as well if i lived where he lived, surrounded by the kinds of idiots he is. due to who he was dealing with and what it took to effectively put them in their place, but also because he (and working class queer men of colour living like him fer real) reserves this kind of speech for men like that and always functions as ally to (human) wimmin, i don't think it's necessary for me to hyper focus on this character as the locus of patriarchal oppression on the planet. he's not. i remember whose men actually need to be dealt with.

i have to say that i'm not at all impressed with tara's character. the white people have of course made her into a perpetually victimized, deprived, traumatized, incoherently cussing, crazy, aggressive, unable to love anyone or herself black woman. nope. hate them for that...deeply. her character doesn't seem to be able to stop being dominated. the show's writers' racism and misogyny and how clear they are about her possibilities as someone who is able to effectively resist their own domination is not veiled. it's there for anyone who cares to notice, to see. cheups.

so yeah...

tired of smarmy denial filled big budget features about southern black folks allying with well-meaning white folks. miss daisy, drive my fucking car. :)

then i wrote...

I'm so glad I wasn't the only one who noticed...

Aug 23

how thoroughly FUK's "The Help" movie was. The last time I heard about something with a premise this horrifically bad it was that awful South African alien movie - District 9 (my review cut and pasted in below) - where images of alien characters being dominated, brutalized, humiliated, objectified, hunted and just generally treated like...Black South Africans...allowed the (insanely racist) filmmakers to make a homage to apartheid, get it funded and distributed all over the mofo planet.

and now, a few words on that piece of disgusting tripe they released a few years back - district 9...

I'd like to rename "District 9"...

Aug 17, 2009

I'm thinking that a better name would be "Disgusting Racist Bile". Yeah...that pretty much says it.

I'm watching it right now. So I dunno...maybe it gets better. Maybe the creators meant it as some sort of allegory. I guess the uplifting meaning is escaping me.

heh. I bet the filmmakers had a lot of fun creating these lovely civilized white south african characters, narrating the story of these smelly, animalistic, violent, criminal, destructive, dirty "aliens" living in squalor, disturbing civilized society, needing to be removed en masse for their own protection and for the protection of their gentle, well meaning, (human) betters.

Given that "truth" and "reconciliation" were such loads of total bullshit...

Given that the people who ran South Africa managed to safe guard their hold on that country's economy, thereby maintaining their racial dominance via the hoarding of class privilege and economic control...(please, no one talk to me about the birth of a tiny, toothless, co-opted Black South African middle class created as a buffer and as an incentive)...

We are not far enough removed from stories like this involving white colonizers and Black South Africans for me to just nod my head and feel comfortable discussing this movie as it has been constructed and offered for mass consumption.

This movie does not successfully teach or pursue any transformative agendas related to anti-racism. It more functions as a normalizing tool, erasing, painting over, sweeping under the rug an experience of white domination that continues in another phase, under another name, with the full consent of the world.

It offers a completely artificial liberal feel good opportunity where we can feel righteously indignant about obvious wrongs and where the bad guys (all middle or working class) do not still control the banks but where they are soundly punished. We are offered immediate gratification and a sense that undoing centuries of wrong is easily righted, just by being "infected" by those a colonizer has been taught to hate.

In this sci-fi juiced South Africa doing the real right thing is possible and clearly delineated. With this movie as insidious tool, an experience of (allegorical, indirectly communicated and therefore totally safely contained) "truth" and (carefully constructed and story boarded, tidy, media based) "reconciliation" can be consumed emotionally while in no way hampering the actual ongoing, oppressive reality of today's "new" South Africa.

In this South Africa, white people work respectfully alongside the Black people they formerly oppressed for the good of a South Africa united against an alien threat. Yeah, right.

This movie is a massive advertisement for the "new" South Africa. Filled with black market racketeering Nigerians and other Black "criminal" elements, when everyone knows the White South Africans, stealing a whole chunk of African land, were/are the real criminals, this movie offers an easily digestible product, which reinforces dominant racist beliefs about Black Africans and about their white invader/colonizers, offering a movie going public often so susceptible to the media that whatever images and ideas they are offered end up being taken as fact, a product that does not disturb or turn stereotypes upside down at all.

In the form of "Disgusting Racist Bile" (the movie formerly known as "District Nine"), we are being offered centuries' old oppressive bile, the ongoing seeds of our own denial dressed up, futurized and filled to the brim with special effects, positioned as cutting edge sci-fi commentary.


Oh...and I also found it completely impossible to identify with the white liberal middle class civil servant, so well meaning as he participated in the removal of the aliens and then so thoroughly disgusted by the thought of inter-species breeding and by his eventual, inexorable transformation. I just didn't feel sorry for him.

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i like the song. just not sure i need to see that many white men running around completely amok in the world. sort of scary. :)

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Tuesday, August 23, 2011

The state is not interested in her guilt or innocence as much as they are dismantling anti-poverty groups such as SOS...

Accused G20 "Maiden of Mayhem" wins bail challenge.

by Kelly Pflug Back Support Committee

On Tuesday August 9th 2011 in provincial court in Toronto, a judge agreed to a bail variation for accused G20 "Maiden of Mayhem" Kelly Pflug Back, which replaces her house arrest with a ten o'clock curfew and allows her to have unrestricted contact with her fiancé Julian Ichim on the condition that he sever his ties with anti-poverty group SOS.

These changes to her bail condition come after a year-long effort by her lawyer, Stephen Gehl, and community groups lobbying against the injustice of giving her some of the harshest conditions received by people arrested at the G20. Protests such as the one on Monday August 5th, where about 16 people, many who worked with her, and others such as members of Hamilton Steelworkers local 1005, had a rally that ended up at the crown attorneys office in Guelph with letters for the attorney general demanding that conditions that keep her apart from loved ones and her community be removed, have been happening all year in cities such as Guelph, Kitchener/Waterloo and Victoria BC.

Although in some ways this is a significant victory for the movement and Kelly’s sanity, the fight is not over. Kelly is still not allowed to associate with anyone who is know to have ties to SOS, whose facebook group has about 195 members, nor is she permitted to attend any public demonstration which could include something as simple as the Sunday servings that SOS provides. The fact that her association with her fiancĂ©, Julian Ichim, rests on him severing his ties to SOS shows that the state is not interested in Kelly's guilt or innocence as much as they are dismantling anti-poverty groups such as SOS.

When asked about severing ties with SOS, Ichim stated: "clearly this demonstrates that the issue is not about whether or not Kelly is guilty or innocent of mischief at g20, rather it is about whether or not Kelly is an effective voice for the anti-poverty community, a crime that in their eyes is more heinous then all the smashed windows. I may be forced to quit SOS, but I can't be forced to quit activism, Guelph hasn't heard the last from us yet."

Those interested in supporting Kelly Pflug Back can contact the Kelly Pflug Back support committee @ 226 789 7038

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More tarsands arrests from censored news...

'No More!' Women in tar sands jail, Hopi file Peaks lawsuit

By Brenda Norrell
Photo 1: Sharon Lungo Photos 2, 3, 4 Shadia Fayne Wood

Young people and elderly went to jail.

Obama went on vacation.

It was important to get those protesters out of sight, to honor Martin Luther King, Jr.

This was the way it began, three days and 162 arrests at the White House, to stop the dirty tar sands and its pipeline. It was the first three days of two weeks of planned arrests.

Today, on Tuesday morning at the White House, Cree actress Tantoo Cardinal will take her place on the line to defend her homeland.

Farmers and Nebraskans engaged in civil disobedience at the White House on Monday to stop the Keystone XL Pipeline and the dirty tar sands, already destroying the homelands of First Nations in Alberta.

Those arrested on the first day of action, Saturday, at the White House spent two nights in jail for sitting on the sidewalk in front of the White House to protest the tar sands. They are sending a message to Obama to say ‘No,” to the Keystone XL Pipeline from Canada to Texas.

In jail, women slept on cold concrete floors. Meanwhile, Obama left the White House two days before, on Thursday, for a 10-day vacation.

Now, more women are preparing to be arrested on Tuesday in front of the White House, while Obama enjoys a leisurely vacation with his family.

'Montana Women For’ members -- Joan Kresich, actress Margie Kidder, Margarita McLarty and Linda Kenoyer -- are joining Tantoo Cardinal to be arrested.
The Tar Sands Action said, "The sit-in at the White House will continue with 50 more Americans and Canadians risking arrest to protect their air, water, and climate. Over 2,000 people have registered to take part in the sit-in, which will continue every day until September 3.

“Among those planning on being arrested are film-star Margot Kidder, who played Lois Lane in four Superman movies, and actress Tantoo Cardinal, an iconic Cree actress who appeared in Dances with Wolves, Legends of the Fall, Smoke Signals and more. Cardinal, who was born in Ft. McMurray, Alberta, the capitol of the tar sands, was made a Member of the Order of Canada in 2009."

All across America, people are standing up and saying,
‘No more!"

In Arizona, Navajo Klee Benally chained himself to an excavator to halt the destruction of sacred San Francisco Peaks. Nine young people locked themselves to concrete barrels to halt the pipeline for wastewater for snowmaking, and the clear cutting of the old growth forests by the Snowbowl ski resort, which was approved by the US Forest Service.

Now, the Hopi Tribe has filed a lawsuit to halt the destruction from recycled wastewater being planned for snowmaking on the Snowbowl ski resort.

The Hopi Tribe said:

"The lawsuit states that the City’s contract to sell 1.5 million gallons of reclaimed wastewater per day to Snowbowl is illegal because it violates several Arizona laws that govern the proper use of reclaimed wastewater. The contract provides for the use of reclaimed wastewater in a mountain setting where runoff and overspray cannot be prevented, as Arizona law requires. Additionally, restrictions on limiting human contact with wastewater cannot be met, and harm to the unique alpine environment in the area, including rare animals and plants, cannot be prevented.

“The contract is also illegal under Arizona law because it will result in unreasonable environmental degradation and will further deplete limited drinking water resources. As stated in the complaint, the use of reclaimed wastewater for snowmaking will unreasonably harm the environment, create a public nuisance, and infringe upon the public’s, including the Hopi Tribe’s, use and enjoyment of the area around Snowbowl as well as infringe on the Hopi Tribe’s reserved water rights.

“The City’s sale of reclaimed wastewater to the Snowbowl will cover a portion of the San Francisco Peaks with artificial snow made from reclaimed wastewater. The San Francisco Peaks, and in particular Snowbowl, is ecologically unique and contains rare types of habitat and species. The City’s illegal contract allows wastewater to run off and spray into wilderness areas specifically used by the Hopi Tribe and others, impeding and infringing on the use and enjoyment of these areas by the Hopi Tribe and others.” Read more:

Meanwhile, in the ongoing irony of the White House, tar sands peaceful protesters were jailed on Saturday in a strategy by police to deter the protests -- due to the opening of the Martin Luther King, Jr., Memorial on the Mall.

--Monday, Aug. 22, 2011
Read more:

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I haven't blogged about Libya because i didn't really know what to make of it...

I mean...
I knew what the corporate media outlets were saying. But they tell big disgusting lies on the regular. This seems much more accurate, insightful and filled with things that resonate like truth...

New York Times: Lying about Libya and Palestine

by Stephen Lendman

Note: A follow-up article will continue the narrative below. Currently, events in Tripoli are fluid.

Progressive Radio News Hour contributor Mahdi Nazemroaya's overnight email said:

"NATO landed insurgents in (Tripoli) harbor. They are attacking my hotel. I almost got shot. They're still lying a lot (about claims of controlling the capital), but we are in real danger."

He's saying that armed guerrilla gangs, mercenaries, indistinguishable from (also armed) Tripoli residents, are waging street warfare.

Russia Today reported about 1,300 deaths. No one knows for sure. However, events are fast-moving and chaotic.

On Russia Today, Nazemroaya also said heavy looting occurred, including insurgents breaking into hotel rooms and ransacking them. In addition, he said NATO WANTS A BLOODBATH.

In fact, they're getting one, exacerbated by intense terror bombing, deliberately targeting civilians.

"Myself, the Press TV journalist (Lizzie Phelan), three French nationals, the Cuban and Telesur journalists are in danger."

"One of my French colleagues was told: 'You are going to suffer the consequences of your actions for opposing the NATO war."

Sunday, on Russia Today, Nazemroaya said he was told that CNN said he personally would pay for opposing the war.


What's ongoing in Libya, Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Palestine, as well as throughout North Africa/the Middle East/Central Asia is part of a COUP D'ETAT AGAINST FREEDOM - PLANNED, ORCHESTRATED AND DIRECTED FROM WASHINGTON.

Below covers the situation through Sunday PM. The narrative aims directly at shameless New York Times propaganda.

Rather than not send out because new events alter the picture I present, I believe it's nonetheless important to do so because:

(1) The New York Times, CNN and rest of the major media are part of Washington/NATO's war against freedom.

(2) They publish or broadcast falsified pro-war reports.

(3) They shamelessly support crimes of war and against humanity.

(4) On the ground "reporters" have provided NATO with bombing coordinates.

As a result, at the risk of inaccuracies because of subsequent events, the original article written Sunday begins as follows:

There they go again. Another day, more lies, shameless ones. Their correspondents prostitute themselves daily, making street whores, pimps, and dope peddlers look respectable in comparison.

On August 19, David Kirkpatrick headlined, "Qaddafi's Hold in Tripoli in Doubt as Rebels Advance," saying:

Gaddafi's "hold on his Tripoli stronghold shows signs of slipping....Residents (believe his) flight or ouster could be imminent. Three people said the feeling of fear was ebbing in the streets," suggesting it's because they think he'll soon be gone in contrast to the vast majority of supportive Tripoli residents, besides 85% of Libyans overall.

According to Kirkpatrick, "(w)ith unexpected swiftness, the ill-trained and ill-equiped rebels....overtook Zawiyah with its enormous oil refinery, just 30 miles west of Tripoli."

He quoted an unnamed US official saying, "Qaddafi might not know what he's going to do from one day to the next."

The article discussed other advances, existing solely in the mind of the Pentagon propagandist and unnamed US official who fed Kirkpatrick this rubbish he published.

On August 20, Kareem Fahim and Kirkpatrick headlined, "Heavy Fighting Reported in Tripoli; Rebels Encircle City," saying:

"For the first time in months, witnesses in Tripoli reported heavy fighting across the capital late Saturday night, even as rebel forces claimed to have encircled the city by taking major towns to its east, west and south."

According to "rebel leader" Anwar Fekini, "We are coordinating the attacks inside, and our forces from outside are ready to enter Tripoli."

On August 21, Kareem Fahim headlined, "Libyan Rebels Pass Defense Ring Near Tripoli," saying:

"Libyan rebels advanced to within 10 miles of Tripoli on Sunday, pushing past the city's outer defense lines and vowing to combine forces with insurgents who have waged intense battles inside the city," Gaddafi's "final stronghold."

As previous articles stressed, these reports read more like bad fiction than true accounts of conditions on the ground, exposing lies about alleged rebel victories.

Stratfor Global Intelligence (SGI) offered a mixed analysis, discounting notions of Gaddafi's imminent collapse, while nonsensically suggesting nonexistent rebel "advanc(es) toward Tripoli," indicating they "may be beginning an attempt to lay siege on the Libyan capital" and claim victory.

At the same time, SGI admits a "rebel disinformation full swing....designed to trigger an uprising from within the capital to facilitate the rebel invasion....A lot of loose talk (about) a lot of explosions in Tripoli can be expected in the meantime."

In fact, Stratfor tried having it both ways, claiming rebel victories based on "disinformation," then exposing them as lies.

A Reality Check

On August 20, Progressive Radio News contributor Mahdi Nazemroaya's Global article headlined, "Rebel Advances on Tripoli is Media Disinformation," saying:

Rebel disinformation claims "(h)eavy gunfire and explosions" in Tripoli. By the end of August, they say a final battle to take the city could begin. Other falsified reports indicate fighting in several city neighborhoods, including Tajoura, Soug Jomaa and Arada.

In fact, besides ongoing NATO bombing, "gunfire in the Libyan capital is sporadic and disorganized." Its main purpose "is to break down the morale here and cause panic."

"The media here at the hotel where I am staying have been part of this disinformation campaign. They just want to feed the panic here and want the regime to collapse. They are fueling and feeding this psychological war against this country."

At the same time, Libyans overwhelmingly support Gaddafi, determined to resist efforts to oust him. New York Times and other media sources, however, never report it. Instead, they lie, doing it shamelessly and badly.

Appearing August 20 on Russia Today (, Nazemroaya confirmed sporadic gunfire only, adding:

"It's not organized, and it's meant only to break down the morale" of Tripoli residents "and cause panic....In fact, the (major) media" are a key part of the disinformation campaign.

"They're talking about airlifts. (They're) saying migratory workers want to flee Tripoli. That's not true at all. They just want to (create) panic and make the regime collapse....They want Tripoli to be in panic. That's their whole aim," also spreading other lies "to cause trauma, (and) that's the truth."

"It's NATO that's doing all the fighting" with relentless daily bombing, mostly targeting civilians, "civilian checkpoints that are mostly protected and manned by volunteers," and civilian infrastructure.

"But when the media say insurgents are moving in, that's not correct. It's NATO that's doing all the hard work here." Except for scattered elements, rebels won't "come into Tripoli. The population (is committed) to oppose them," and well armed by Gaddafi to do it.

"This is a NATO operation," controlling everything, rebels taking orders from them. Reporters are giving bombing coordinates to NATO, including civilian checkpoints, hospitals, and other nonmilitary targets to terrorize Libyans into submission.

"The media here are part of the war machine."

Also appearing August 20 on RT, Franklin Lamb said he just returned from traveling all around Tripoli. "There's no heavy fighting" as falsely reported. "There is sporadic bombing every hour" or so, and some anti-aircraft fire. "It's clear that the rebels are not here....Now it's very quiet." Claiming rebels are there "is nonsense."

On the same day, independent journalist Lizzie Phelan told RT:

Tripoli gunfire and fireworks now heard is celebratory among Gaddafi supporters, not falsified claims of rebel attacks.

Earlier there were some scattered rebel fighters in the city, perhaps sleeper cells awaiting orders. Libya's government calls them gangs. "They've now been cleared out of the city, captured and arrested."

"The only explosions (heard are) from NATO bombing and sound bombs to create a sense of panic....Now what we're hearing happened earlier today is that the rebels (by) their own media, their own channels, including Al Jazeera at the center of the media conspiracy, is that they created some fake footage inside Zawiya, claiming they're (there) and in Tripoli."

It was done to create panic. Scattered rebel gangs began firing and threatening people, saying they'd be assassinated if they didn't join them.

Other "armed Libyans came out to defend their capital." Control was reestablished. Now people are out because they feel safe again, showing relief with fireworks and celebratory gunfire, ready to resist other rebel attacks if they come.

Gaddafi also spoke live by phone, insisting he's alive, well, and inside the country. Moreover, "NATO isn't having any successes on the ground, so (their only recourse) is to fabricate them by (media lies) to convince the Security Council and most people that the war is worthwhile."

Since the beginning of the conflict, "people have been armed to the teeth," using weapons Gaddafi supplied. They're "ready to defend their capital and country, and stand by their leader Muammar Gaddafi."

They understand the unacceptable alternative. As a result, they're committed to fight to prevent it.

Phalen's Sunday report said scattered fighting continues. In other words, rebel pockets claim advances not made, solely for media-spread propaganda purposes to incite panic in Tripoli.

Residents are too smart to buy it. Well-armed and committed, they're ready to defend their city and country, unwilling to surrender to NATO, rebel cutthroats, and media liars.

Suppressing Information about Israel's Crimes

On August 20, Times writers Isabel Kershner and Fares Akram headlined, "Casualties on Both Sides as Israel and Gaza Trade Fire," saying:

"Palestinian militants from Gaza fired rockets at cities deep inside Israeli territory on Saturday, killing one person. And Israel struck a squad that was firing mortars from northern Gaza as violence continued in the wake of an attack on Thursday that killed eight Israelis, Israeli officials said."

Instead of explaining what's really ongoing, both writers suggested Palestinians are at fault, responsible for killing Israelis, when, in fact, they had nothing to do with it.

As a result, they implied support for Israel's right to respond violently, saying nothing about its plan to assassinate Popular Resistance Committees (PRC) leaders, willfully target civilians and nonmilitary infrastructure, and perhaps continue relentless attacks.


To derail Palestinian UN General Assembly efforts for self-determination and de jure member status.

End weeks of nationwide protests for social justice issues Netanyahu won't address.

Perhaps also prevent a possible Palestinian spring and provide pretext for Cast Lead II.

Both writers, in fact, steered clear of Israeli motives, said little about Palestinian casualties, nothing about years of Gaza under siege, Israel's planned slow-motion genocide, nor explain extreme human suffering too severe to ignore.

Instead, they changed the subject, covering IDF attacks against "Hamas training facilities, weapons manufacturing sites, smugglers' tunnels, and rocket and mortar teams preparing to attack," ending their brief report, saying:

"Some 50 rockets have been fired at Israel since Thursday. (Saturday) evening, a rocket that hit a house in Ofakim wounded three, including an infant and a child."

Implied was that only Israeli casualties matter, not horrific ones inflicted regularly on Palestinians.

Not only do Times writers lie, they airbrush uncomfortable truths about Washington and Israeli crimes, betraying their readers and profession in the process.

A Final Comment

Judith Miller's fall from grace taught Times correspondents nothing. Like her, they're again in full battle mode, scamming their readers by publishing Pentagon press releases, not accurate reports, disgracing themselves in the process.

And if Times reports proliferate lies, imagine what other media sources provide, especially US television news and information. It's little more than a bottomless profane sinkhole of worthlessness.

Tune it out, avoid it, and prevent a bad aftertaste and self-flagellation.

Instead, stay informed. Spread the truth and act on it responsibly.

Stephen Lendman lives in Chicago and can be reached at Also visit his blog site at and listen to cutting-edge discussions with distinguished guests on the Progressive Radio News Hour on the Progressive Radio Network Thursdays at 10AM US Central time and Saturdays and Sundays at noon. All programs are archived for easy listening.

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Monday, August 22, 2011

They've been sitting-in and being arrested because of it...

I don't think that sit-ins mean anything anymore. But they are there trying and being arrested and I am here typing. I will not fault them for attempting to do what they think is best.

stop the pipeline!

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FINALLY! Someone's in charge of customer service!

i'm so FUCKen glad cuz they won't let me into my deserted without "friends" page without me giving my telephone number or scans of my official papers. i think they were annoyed because i decreased my "friends" on a fairly regular basis rather than increasing them, until i had none. i can't get in to visit my little e-ghost town. but soon it seems they won't be able to, either. hehehehe ;)

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You do not censor people because they choose to speak out against the wrongful occurences around them...

Member of Anonymous Speaks About Retaliatory Action Against BART

On Monday, officials with the Bay Area Rapid Transit (BART) were forced to close four train stations during the evening rush hour as free speech advocates attempted to disrupt the evening commute. The protest was called by the activist hacker group Anonymous in retaliation for BART’s decision to shut down cell phone and mobile-internet service at four stations last week in an effort to disrupt a protest over the shooting of a homeless man. As part of its self-described "OpBART" campaign, Anonymous hacked into the BART website,, and leaked the names, phone numbers and passwords of train passengers. We’re joined by a disguised Anonymous member who took part in "OpBART," speaking under the pseudonym "X." "We gave them a little taste of their own medicine," X says. "We’re information activists just trying to make our world a bit freer and a little better." On the question about the FBI investigation over the hack, X says: "I don’t want to get caught… I am literally running from coffeehouse to coffeehouse, from city to city, from state to state, to try to avoid this massive, multimillion-dollar manhunt that they’ve put out for Anonymous. And for what? What have we done, Amy? Point to one thing where we’ve hurt a single human being… BART...kills its innocent people… How dare they do this in the United States of America?"

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How well do you sleep?

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We all know it, don't we...

the cell phones are bloody, all our cell phones are bloody...

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She started her book about Israeli textbooks and education in order to see how these books use scientific language for ideological purposes...

via karmalised...
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Well, the government of the UK can fuckingdamnwell try...

talk of curfews in england via mostly water...

Government considers curfew powers following UK riots

By Robert Stevens; 20 August 2011 - WSWS

In the aftermath of the riots that swept London and other cities in England last week, the Conservative/Liberal government is actively planning the imposition of curfew powers covering wide geographical areas.

Home Secretary Theresa May announced that giving the police further powers to clear streets and establish “no-go” areas are under discussion.

“Under existing laws, there is no power to impose a general curfew in a particular area”, she said. While individuals can be subject to curfew conditions, “there are only limited powers to impose them on somebody under the age of 16. These are the sort of powers we are considering.”

She added, “I think we need to make sure the police have just got all the powers available to be able to use them as and when they are necessary.”

Since the 1973 repeal of the 18th-century Riot Act, there have been no specific powers available to a British government to impose a curfew on the public in a specific geographical area.

The powers proposed by May are in addition to the draconian Civil Contingencies Act 2004, which authorizes curfews and bans on travel and assembly.

Such police state measures are being proposed as police forces continue to hunt down anyone accused of involvement in the disturbances. Nationally, more than 3,000 people have been arrested. In London, the Metropolitan Police have made 1,802 arrests with 1,032 people charged. Many have been sent to prison, often for the pettiest of offences.

Despite the government’s official denial, it has emerged that a directive has been handed down to the judiciary to mete out the harshest possible sentences in riot-related cases. To this end, the rule book governing sentencing has been thrown out.

Even those not involved in any disturbances have been sent to prison for years. Jordan Blackshaw, 20, and Perry Sutcliffe-Keenan, 22, were given four years imprisonment each this week on the basis that they made Facebook postings, encouraging rioting.

In Manchester, Thomas Downey was imprisoned for 16 months for taking a box of doughnuts from a shop looted earlier by others.

Comparisons have been made in the media between this month’s disturbances and the riots in Brixton, London in 1981. In both instances, they were sparked by police brutality. In 1981, Cherry Groce was shot in a raid by police hunting for her son. The recent riots were triggered by the police killing of a 29-year-old father of four, Mark Duggan, in Tottenham, north London.

In the case of the Brixton riots, however, 82 arrests were made. Today, more than 20 times that number have been arrested in the capital alone, with estimates that this will rise to 3,000 people.

As a result of this unprecedented police dragnet, the prison population in England and Wales now stands at a record high of 86,654 and is increasing at a rate of more than 100 a day. The Ministry of Justice said that over the last week, there had been a rise of 723 in the prison population. On Friday, the Prison Governors Association said it was “managing an unprecedented situation” and “we are developing contingencies to increase usable capacity should further pressure be placed on the prison estate.”

The Guardian has published a breakdown of 1,000 riot-related cases that have come before the courts so far. The research, based on access to national court records, establishes that those convicted are being given sentences that are on average 25 percent longer than normal.

The newspaper notes, “More than half those imprisoned were charged with theft or handling stolen goods, receiving an average of 5.1 months. This is 25 percent longer than the average custodial sentence for these crimes of 4.1 months seen in courts during 2010”.

This flagrant breach of judicial norms is also seeing those convicted of public order offences being given sentences 33 percent longer than normal, and those convicted of assaulting police officers have been jailed for 40 percent longer than usual.

The figures show that magistrates’ courts are sentencing many people to immediate prison terms. Some 56 defendants of the 80 who have already been sentenced by magistrates were sent to jail. This equates to a rate of 70 percent and compares with the usual imprisonment rate at magistrates courts of 2 percent.

The average prison sentence given by magistrates’ courts is four months. This is set to increase markedly as the data also reveals that a huge number of defendants, 70 percent, have been remanded in custody to await crown court trial, in which sentences of up to ten years can be given for the offence of riot.

The courts imposing these draconian sentences are carrying out the most blatant class justice. Among the most significant findings in the research is the fact that the overwhelming number of those dragged before the courts are young, working class, unemployed males.

The data reveals that 66 percent of those who have appeared in court are aged under 25 and 17 percent are aged between 11 and 17. More than 90 percent of those appearing are male. In London, the Metropolitan Police said that around half of the people in court in riot-related cases are under the age of 18. In cases where the age of the defendant is known, the Ministry of Defence has also reported that 17 percent are below 18 years of age.

The Guardian cited the study of Liverpool University urban planning lecturer Alex Singleton, who in analyzing the court records found that the majority of people appearing before magistrates “live in poor neighbourhoods, with 41 percent of suspects living in one of the top 10 percent of most deprived places in the country.”

It is also no coincidence that the data establishes that “66 of the neighbourhoods where the accused live got poorer between 2007 and 2010”. This correlates precisely with the 2007/08 global financial crisis and the resultant deep recession in Britain. As the banks in Britain were bailed out to the tune of more than a trillion pounds, the then Labour government began a series of public spending cuts and freezes, which have now been escalated by the Conservative-led government.

The government is also pressing ahead with plans to evict families from social housing if anyone living there is convicted in relation to the riots.

On Friday, Housing minister Grant Shapps proposed legislation that would allow those convicted to lose their homes in London, no matter where a so-called “crime” was committed. Under current legislation, local boroughs in the capital can only evict a person if a crime is committed in the borough where they live.

Shapps told the Evening Standard that he proposed changing the law so that, “Neighbours from hell who become visitors from hell should not be able to escape through some loophole in the law”. He added, “If you committed a crime in south London but happen to live in north London, you should still be exposed to losing your home.”

The moves by local councils to begin removing social housing benefits from those accused of involvement in rioting has already resulted in notices being served to evict families.

This week the threat of eviction resulted in a mother, Della Collins, being unable to offer her council property as an address for her 19-year old son who has been charged in court. Della, who lives in west London, denounced the government, stating, “It’s not fair for them to take my house away. I have other children to look after. If I lose the house, I lose everything. I wasn’t involved in any of this — it has nothing to do with me. The government does not give a damn about people like us — nobody does.”

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I came across this on Censored News...

Mohawk Nation News: Youth Riots -- Ravenous Hunger for Freedom

Youth Riots -- Ravenous Hunger for Freedom

Mohawk Nation News

MNN. August 9, 2011. People and animals don’t live or breed well in captivity, unless they think they are free. Indigenous had mental, physical and spiritual freedoms. Europeans were born into cages, conditioned to be obedient to their masters. They can’t see the horror of their slavery because it is too painful to look at directly. Europeans have tried to bring everybody else into the cage with them. We can only be kept in cages we refuse to see. To see the cage is to leave it.

Indigenous could not be enslaved. A man whose mind is free cannot be controlled. The most that can be done is to kill them.

There is a hunger for freedom. Those aware are angry.

Hunger is becoming more intense. Alarms are ringing. They are looking for sustenance.

Failing states run by genocidal tyrants and a multi cultural society have become a violent mix. They are lured as cheap labor. But there are not enough jobs, food or decent living conditions, leading to conflict and competition.

The Big Boys designed a free falling global economy based on greed and impunity. The top 5% take one-third of the wealth and stir up financial turmoil. They make 100 times more than the rest. Income distribution, corporate corruption, a weak banking structure and an economic imbalance favors them.

The public becomes discouraged. The workforce and the youth are underemployed.

The government borrows and prints money to pay its debts. The rich don’t pay taxes. The people do. Prices for food, oil and other necessities skyrocket.

Markets fail. Bankers thrive. People become miserable, dangerous,violent and toxic.

London rioters are betrayed youth who say “My riot is my voice”. They are reacting to unbridled corruption and police brutality by banker-controlled governments. Wars take half the state’sspending. Benefits are cut. Cutbacks and higher taxes reign down on the people. They have no future.

In societies where the gap between rich and poor is less, social problems are less. State sponsored selfishness is created by individualism, incarceration, low health, mental problems, crushing unions and making dissent unlawful.

Humans,their greatest resource, are being farmed by the elite, to be controlled, threatened, or killed. When fear is gone, control is gone.

Austerity intifada is sweeping Europe and the world. The dictatorial rich set the example on how to sack and plunder the state. Desperate people watch and start looting.

The battle is between real liberation of the Kaianerehkowa/Great Law of Peace and the evil of fascism. Fear is near its end for Indigenous. The Kaianerehkowa beckons us to demand real freedom from theft of our possessions, slavery,bondage, imprisonment or restraint.

MNN Mohawk Nation News For more news, books, to donate to help pay legal fees and to sign up for MNN newsletters go to More stories at MNN Category “ECONOMICS/TRADE/COMMERCE”. Address: Box 991, Kahnawake [Quebec, Canada] J0L 1B0

When fear is gone, control is gone.

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Good Goddess, y'all..

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Saturday, August 20, 2011

Yup, I've been doing this for most of the last 35 years...

my only problem with this piece of writing is the usual - it's so overwhelmingly amerikkkan-centric, narrowed right down to a point in ways that don't allow others to realize that there are and have been black lesbians organizing in the diaspora in ways that sometimes reflect an alliance with what amerikkkan black lesbians have written and done, but that also has this nasty habit of challenging their learned values and beliefs by infusing critiques written outside the states with pieces that make sense for those of us who do not understand ourselves as loving, rose-coloured glasses wearing, patriotic daughters of the war loving capitalist settler/occupier/invader empire. i really liked what was written about the intersections between queerness, blackness and motherhood and about the oppressive nature of liberation movements that were supposed to serve not destroy black queer mothers. black queer mothers are dangerous and we are definitely treated accordingly.

"We Can Learn to Mother Ourselves": A Dialogically Produced Audience and Black Feminist Publishing 1979 to the "Present".

by Alexis Pauline Gumbs, Duke University, USA

The Problem
Black mothers are dangerous.

1 In 2005 former U.S. Secretary of Education and officer of Drug Policy William Bennett publicly stated that aborting every black baby would decrease crime.[1] This neo-eugenicist statement about US race relations corresponds with globalized "family planning" agendas that have historically forced women in the Caribbean, Latin America, South Asia and Africa to undergo sterilization in order to work for multinational corporations. In 1977 World Bank official Richard Rosenthal went so far as to suggest that three fourths of the women in developing nations should be sterilized to prevent economically disruptive revolutions.[2]

2 Policy makers justify these disproportionate and selective barriers against the birth of people of color through a narrative about the deviance of black and "third world mothers." The moral of the story is that racist inequities and extreme poverty in "developed" nations is reproduced, not by the economic actions of the state, not by divestment from social institutions in communities of color, not from increased policing in the same communities, but by the cultural persistence of poverty perpetuated by the black mother who either passes "poverty" on through her genes, or at the very least nurtures it through her deviant mothering practices. Likewise, in this story, the global problems of pollution and global warming are not results of the environmentally detrimental practices of multinational corporations, but by "overpopulation" caused by women of color who defy the economically necessary worthlessness of their lives by daring to give birth. Which is to say that "population control" is exactly what it sounds like. Which is also to say, the attack on the reproductive subjectivity of black woman and other women of color is actually a pre-emptive attack on what women of color and young people were (are) positioned to create: a new world. I offer a revised reading of black feminist publication that takes into consideration the problematic discursive function of black women as producers.

3 In the face of this genocidal attack, black feminists from the 1970s to the 1990s appropriated motherhood as a challenge and a refusal to the violence that these discourses of stabilization and welfare would naturalize. While the U.S. state enacted domestic and foreign policies that required, allowed and endorsed violence against the bodies of black woman and early death for black children, black feminists audaciously centered an entire literary movement around the invocation of this criminal act of black maternity, demanding not only the rights of black women to reproductive autonomy in the biological sense, but also the imperative to create narratives, theories, contexts, collectives, publications, political ideology and more. I read the black feminist literary production that occurred between 1970 and 1990 as the experimental creation of a rival economy and temporality in which black women and children would be generators of an alternative destiny. A black feminist position became articulable and necessary not only because of the lived experiences of capitalism and empire that black women resisted, but also because of the successes and failures of the black cultural nationalist movement and the white radical lesbian/feminist movement. Critical of a racist, nationalist and patriarchal set of limits and amputations, this movement was necessarily as internationalist as the developing neo-liberal tactics of empire it resisted. If a growing neo-liberal world order endorsed the literal and social deaths of black women and children, then this literary movement, at its most radical, imagined the death of the dominant capitalist relation, a halt to the reproduction of the state and the counter-production of a livable community against the chronopolitics of development.[3] And this is a queer thing.

4 To answer death with utopian futurity, to rival the social reproduction of capital on a global scale with a forward dreaming diasporic accountability is a queer thing to do. A strange thing to do. A thing that changes "the family" and "the future forever." To name oneself mother in a moment where representatives of the state conscripted "black" and "mother" into vile epithets is a queer thing. To insist on an black motherhood despite black cultural nationalist claims to own black women's wombs and white feminist attempts to use the maternal labor of black women as domestic servants to buy their own freedom (and to implicitly support the use of black women as guinea pigs in their fight to perfect the privilege of sterilization) is an almost illegible thing, an outlawed practice, a queer thing.

5 During the period between 1970 and 1990 the pathologization of black women's bodies occurred directly alongside a post-Civil Rights project of disciplinary inclusion in which both the black power movement and the mainstream white feminist movement were complicit. The Black Nationalist effort to construct a black patriarchy and the white feminist effort to tokenistically incorporate the labor of women of color led to an environment in which black women's writing was increasingly marketable. By 1990 Henry Louis Gates was able to explain that black women's writing was valuable because of its unprecedented marketability, combining the black interest and women's interest readerships that had developed in the post-civil rights era. With this statement Gates proclaims the fulfillment of a prophecy made almost one hundred years earlier by black industrialist Booker T. Washington who said (without literature in mind), "In proportion as the black woman is able to produce something that the white or other races want, in this same proportion does prejudice disappear." (87 cited in Ferguson) Roderick Ferguson cites this suggestion from Washington along with other statements about keeping young black women employed and off the streets in his article "Of Our Normative Strivings" in order to demonstrate his argument that the project of black uplift was complicit in the process through which normative sexual behavior became a prerequisite for acceptable racial difference in the construction of 'productive citizenship' in the post-slavery era. I read Henry Louis Gates Jr. alongside Booker T. Washington to point out a practice in the post-civil rights era through which the literary practices of black women we reincorporated into a capitalist and imperialist framework where black women's lives were "new subject matter" to be consumed and "new territory" to be discovered by an expanded market, which is similar to the way black bodies were prepared for resale in the post-reconstruction moment. (Gates 4) The reconstitution of the black family as a consumer unit and the reconfiguration of black women as marketable tokens were parts of the same process. The same capitalist narrative that had created black lack of family to reproduce enslavability, also created the post civil-rights black family as a circuit through which to perpetuate itself.

6 For this reason it is crucial for me to distinguish between the much examined topic of "black women's writing" between in 1970 and 1990 and the black feminist literary production during the same period which will be my focus in this article. Black feminist literary production was not necessarily a distinct movement from the black women's literary renaissance of the time period, because its practitioners were deeply involved in this renaissance, but rather than tracing the development of a black women's literary tradition, this project seeks to reveal and participate in a rival temporality, a queer intergenerational focus on words that were not meant to survive. This article theorizes poetry as a productive act, examines the ways in which the poetics through which black feminists responded to and transformed the publishing possibilities of the time period, and proposes a shared refocusing of the impact of black women's literary work in the late 20th century. What I am calling black feminist literary production has a queer relationship to "black women's writing" such that the former exceeds and critiques the coherence of the later. The "queer" in this project, by denaturalizing and illuminating social reproduction, allows an examination of the politics and possibilities of production subsumed in racialized narrative of capitalism. In this instance queer outsidership and the place of the invisibly laboring, criminalized black mother merge. This queer relationship manifests in what I am calling a poetics of black queer maternity.

7 The black feminist literary practitioners that inspire this project were at once included in, excluded from and amputated by black cultural nationalist and white feminist movements because their deviant sexual positionality was not useful for a black nation or a multi-cultural liberal sisterhood, because of their inability or refusal to reproduce properly. Because of their inability or refusal to reproduce property, these black feminist literary engaged in a critical revision of family, a radical anti-imperialism and a socialist experimentalism. As Cathy Cohen has argued, the position of the pathologized black mother must be seen as a queer postionality.(Cohen 1997) I want to add that this position, in critical tension with capitalist ideas of family, is also a position out of time with the clock of development that uses the same progress narrative deploy welfare reform domestically and structural adjustment policies internationally. For all of these reasons these black feminist literary producers inhabited the queer threat of the pathologized black mother. She who refuses to reproduce the status quo threatens to produce a radically different world. The black feminist literary figures that led and epitomized this practice were lesbian and bisexual radicals such as Audre Lorde and June Jordan who are now historicized as queer ancestors.[4] Cherrie Moraga, for example, recently proclaimed that black lesbian feminists such as Lorde, Pat Parker and June Jordan, gave lesbians like her, "a body, a queer body in the original dangerous, unambivalent sense of the word, a dyke body that could not be domesticized by middle class American aspirations."[5] I am proposing that the invocation of black maternity as an alternative to genocide in the period between 1970-1990 required the production of a queer time and space within which black women and young people could operate as co-producers in a future radically different from their present.[6]

An Approach

8 It may remain unclear to some readers why "mothering" of all things holds the queer transformative potential in my analysis. Does not the term mother retain an inescapable essentialism? Is it even possible to delink motherhood and the reproduction of racial difference? Michelle Wright's Becoming Black: Creating Identity in the African Diaspora provides a helpful critical precedent for the work of understanding mothering as the marker of a queer discursive strategy in black feminist publishing in the late 20th century. Wright argues that the figure of the black mother, as deployed by poets such as Carolyn Rodgers and Audre Lorde, interrupts the production of blackness in opposition to whiteness. Wright explains that whereas the masculinist knowledge production that has passed responsibility for the production of an ontology of blackness from man to man to man over time in a dialectical struggle with the white patriarchal knowledge project that seeks to reproduce white humanity through black abjection, the figure of the mother allows for a dialogic paradigm shift. The figure of the mother calls reproduction into question, reminding us that the production of racialized subjectivity occurs across difference, in dialog, not passing from one to one, but rather created as the tense reconstitution of race despite the dynamic coupling of different, but not opposite bodies. So while the erasure or subsumption of the subjectivity of mothers under the authority of patriarchy has facilitated essentialist reproductions of racialized dehumanization, the rival authority of the black mother has the potential to reveal racial difference as a social narrative, the terms of which are contingent and do not have to be reproduced.

9 To be sure, the use of motherhood in black women's literature is not necessarily queer. The most cited uses of narratives of motherhood in black women's literary criticism and literature in the late 20th century sought to argue against the pathologization of the black family, through representations of motherhood that were in conversation with cultural nationalists towards the reproduction of a black race. In this paper I seek to distinguish between representations of black motherhood and black feminist revisions of the significance of mothering. The latter, I will argue, uses the pathologization of black maternity to create a queer revision, revealing the socially produced predicaments of black mothers and offering rival structures of nurturing and futurity. In order to make this distinction as clear as possible I will take some space here to clarify my uses of the terms "queer," "black" and "maternity" in this statement.


10 I use queer not as an identity marker, but rather in the way that Roderick Ferguson interprets Barbara Smith's use of the term "lesbian" in "Toward a Black Feminist Criticism." (1977)[7] In that text, written during a period in which Barbara Smith was communicating with Lorde as a participant in the Combahee River Collective retreats and June Jordan as the moderator of the on the Feminism and Black Women's Writing Panel at Howard University, Barbara Smith defined lesbian as what Ferguson calls a "negation," as anything that fundamentally challenged heteronormativity. Therefore, Ferguson argues, lesbian was not an identifier but rather an alarm, pointing to the violence of existing identity frameworks and calling for a critical difference. I align with Ferguson's assertion that one genealogy for the contemporary use of term "queer" in queer theory is Smith's non-identarian use of "lesbian."

11 Another generative site for "queer" is June Jordan's 1992 essay "A New Politics of Sexuality" in which she uses bisexuality as an intervention into predictive sexuality to create a space for freedom. This critical use of bisexuality prefigures the use of the word "queer" to describe a politics of sexuality that is not based on a specific sexual practice, but rather a critical relationship to existing sexual and social norms. Jordan uses a proclamation of her own bisexuality as a hinge to articulate her own contradictory multiplicity: "I am Black and I am female and I am a mother and I am bisexual and I am a nationalist and I am an antinationalist." (132) Here bisexuality, not as an identity but as an intervention , a refusal of a particular choice, connects Jordan's anti-imperialist politics which cause her to fight for the national sovereignty of Nicaragua while challenging the norms of nationalism itself with her identification with the impossible subjectivity of black motherhood in the United States. Through her articulation of bisexuality, Jordan answers both the queer dystopians and the gay and lesbian assimilationists writing 15 years after the publication of her essay. For Jordan, bisexuality requires a particular definition of survival: "But a struggle to survive cannot lead to suicide: suicide is the opposite of survival. And so we must not conceal/assimilate/integrate into the would-be dominant culture and political system that despises us. Our survival requires that we alter our environment so we can live..." (135) Jordan's definition of a sexual politics of survival seeks to generate a future that does not reproduce the present. Accordingly I will use the term queer (here) to signal a similar call for critical difference that disrupts narratives of heteropatriarchal family and capitalist development and as a modifier that causes the terms that follow to exceed what they have named. For example, a "queer black maternity" would not only invoke the additive complexity of multiple interpolation, it would also place the procreative inheritance of blackness and patriarchally defined motherhood under investigation.


12 Black feminism in the seventies and eighties emerged within and co-produced a broader "third world women's movement." Often this complicated mix of subject positions was called forth at once, for example, when "black and other third world women" would create "special issues" of otherwise white feminist periodicals. This overlap between "black" and "third world" women's production was complicated by at least two historical dynamics. First, non-white feminists in the United States were in almost constant communication with "Black feminists" in Britain who were using the term "Black" to claim solidarity between women of Asian and African descent who had shared experiences of colonialism at "home" and racism in England. "Black feminists" in Britain and the US reviewed each other's special issues and anthologies and wrote letters of support to each other's editorial collectives. Even still, "black" and "third world" were never commensurate terms on either side of the Atlantic. Indeed "blackness" itself was incommensurable even in the Americas, signifying differently in the United States, Canada and the Caribbean, but the term was used to facilitate translation of different black experiences across national contexts. "Third World" a term used to describe women who would most likely be called "women of color" from today's vantage point was an intentional term used by non-white women in the United States in order to enable solidarity between groups experiencing different manifestations of racism AND to link US liberation movements to a wider set of decolonization struggles in which women were responding to the encroachment of economic empire. In "Third World Women: The Politics of Being Other," a special issue of the New York based feminist art journal Heresies, a special editorial collective of self-identified U.S. based Third World Women explains the salience of the term "Third World" as it's an invocation of an "other" way to be created by those "other" than the dominant white male ruling class.[8] While many contemporary transnational feminist activists argue that the term "Third World" erases women who are actually living in developing countries when it is claimed by U.S. women of color, Chandra Mohanty insists that to invoke "third world" as a particular way of being feminist is to remember the spirit of the Bandung conference of non-aligned countries which insisted that another world could be created.[9] The specific iteration of "black feminism" that we are concerned with here could only have emerged within and alongside this discourse of "third world" feminism which was both anti-capitalist and internationalist.

13 However, while the production I will characterize here is firmly grounded in what was called the 'Third World Women's Movement" in the United States (conversely called the "First World Women's Movement" in English-speaking Canada), I will be focusing on the work of feminists who explicitly identified as "black." While attacks on the bodies of women of color and their potential to create are widespread, the narratives applied by colonialist, racist, orientalist enactors of sexual violence and reproductive injustices have been historically specific and deserve in-depth attention. My focus on the term "black" here signals my emphasis on the queer feminist possibility of transforming the maternal trace of slavery into a mode of co-production that responds to the persistent commodification of flesh. I am not arguing that the narratives of pathologization to be intervened in here are specific to "people of African descent," nor am I seeking to reserve the term black for the descendents of enslaved people to the exclusion of black people in Africa and other parts of the non-Atlantic world. Rather I am interested in a narrative through which blackness has come to stand in for expendability and non-humanity and the modes of poetic practice through which radical black feminist literary practice threatened this perceived truth.


14 In her groundbreaking text "Mama's Baby, Papa's Maybe: A New American Grammar Book," Hortense Spillers emphasizes the difference between "motherhood" which is reproduced as the role of white women through the violent exclusion of the bodies of black women from the definition of the human and the reproduction of "mothering" which is the labor that black women have still been compelled to perform despite their exclusion from the domain of proper "motherhood." This was a crucial intervention for Spillers to make in 1987 when both black nationalist invocations of black motherhood as a subservient role for the reproduction of a patriarchal black nation and white feminist reifications of domestic labor made black women's sexuality and subjectivity unspeakable. In her 1989 essay "But What Do We Think We're Doing: The State of Black Feminist Criticism(s) or My Version of a Little Bit of History," Barbara Christian describes the resistance she encountered when she attempted to publish her monograph Black Women Novelists thusly:

"[...] practically all academic presses as well as trade presses commented that my subject was not important-that people were not interested in black women writers. Couldn't I write a book on the social problems of black women? Affected by the rhetoric a la Moynihan, most of these presses could hardly believe black women were artists."

Christian's dilemma points to the discursive moment during which black feminist criticism struggled to emerge. The intersection of narrow social movement priorities and a dominant rhetoric of black maternal pathologies made it difficult to argue that black women were capable of literary production or creative expression; the name 'black woman' had become synonymous with 'social problems', in state policy, academic discourses, and progressive social movements. In order to produce subjectivities in which black women could be imagined to create, black feminist critics generated a critical use of maternity that they distinguished from patriarchal and capitalist definitions of motherhood and appropriations of "mothering."

15 Spillers explains that both the state of motherhood and the labor of mothering are reproduced through ideological and legal acts of naming that dehumanize black women and transform their bodies into flesh and their offspring into slaves. Fred Moten builds on Spiller's analysis by emphasizing the shared root mater in the words "maternity" and "materiality" explaining that the trace through which we understand black people as material objects is a maternal trace. In a 2006 discussion of "Mama's Baby Papa's Maybe," Spillers elaborates that her intention in the essay was to create a new vocabulary wherein the history of black subjection in the United States could seriously destabilize functions of gender and family. This creation of a new vocabulary, and indeed a new grammar, required the radical reassessment of the terms mother and mothering. I will invoke the term "mothering" modified by queer and black to describe the material intervention through what I understand to be a queer appropriation of the production of difference wherein difference, instead of becoming a dehumanizing mark, enables the co-production of a radically different future.

16 My use of the term "mothering" uses the modifiers queer and black in order to disrupt the normative incorporation of maternity into a narrative of patriarchal family. It is clear from the political discourse on black maternity in the United States that "black maternity" is seen as disruptive to the patriarchal order of family and to the model of "democracy" that the patriarchal family functions to reproduce. By keeping the terms "black" and "mothering" together I hope to retain this threat born in the moment Spillers invokes. Black maternity has always been about production (in this American Grammar Book), or more explicitly the reproduction of abjection, instead of family, but as Spillers elaborates in a later essay the law that the child would follow the condition of the mother "did nothing to establish the maternal prerogative for the African female." By adding the term queer, I am suggesting that a focus on the black queer maternal enables the production of an intersubjective future that does not reproduce ownership of or through bodies but rather reimagines connection, accountability and the production of a livable world.

"To Mother Ourselves"

17 In 1983, Audre Lorde published an article in Essence Magazine entitled "Black Women and Anger," later republished in her 1984 volume of essays Sister Outsider as "Eye to Eye: Black Women Hatred, and Anger." Lorde's 'Eye to Eye' appeared alongside an article entitled 'Sister Love' in which Alexis De Veaux outlined a politics of loving other black women that included but also exceeded romantic love. The explicitly diasporic tone of De Veaux's companion piece brings Lorde's diasporic vision into context. De Veaux opens her piece with a quintessentially diasporic statement: "I am a Daughter of Africa." In order to include her sexuality, class and gender within this primary identification with Africa, De Veaux explains that she must "dress myself in my own words." Similarly Lorde, writing a piece that approaches the issue from another angle, the internalized hatred and anger that makes sisterhood between black women difficult, agrees with De Veaux that the articulation of love and partnership between black women is a radical and poetic act of translation.

18 The main argument of Lorde's article is that as black women "we can learn to mother ourselves." This statement comes after a section in which Lorde explains that black daughters often believe that no other person will be able to provide them with the love and understanding that they have learned to expect from their mothers. Lorde wants to counter the belief that only black women socialized into a mother/daughter relationship with each other can provide the mothering that healing and community building requires. But it is significant that Lorde does not say "we can learn to mother each other." She says instead "we can learn to mother ourselves" which relies on an intersubjective production of a rival maternity, that does not reproduce familial relations, but rather disperses the labor of mothering. Lorde argues that black women "eye to eye" reflect the defense and hatred that we feel for ourselves onto each other such that answering the hatred that we have learned to metabolize after being forced to consume routine ideological, physical and sexual violence is a coproductive process that requires women "who will not turn away" from each other.

19 My argument is that this combination of a queer vision of the future and an anti-capitalist relation in the present is a key concept for reading the literary productivity of black feminists during the late 20th century which is marked by discursive interventions into the potential of mothering. How else do we understand why a figure as publicly resistant to domestic models of normalcy as June Jordan entitled her collection of anti-imperialist love poems, Living Room? Why would a collective of black lesbian feminists founding a publishing company for third world women decide to call it "Kitchen Table Press"? Black feminist literary producers during the late 20th century were actively engaged in appropriating and transforming discourses of home, reimagining nurturing to create space for a radically different future.

20 The structures, practices and ideas expressed by these publishing collectives in the 1980's enacted the co-productive pedagogy of "learn(ing) to mother ourselves" at the levels of labor, content and form. The individual articulations of writers such as Jordan and Lorde were not only sustained by their continued communication with each other during this period (during which they also decided both decided to end their editorial participation at the mostly white publication Chrysalis due to racism),[10] but was also indicative of a larger scene in which the transformations they imagined were validated. In the late 1970's June Jordan participated in a collective called "The Sisterhood" which also included Alice Walker, Ntozake Shange, Toni Morrison, Veve Clark, Renita Weems and others who intended to create something called Kizzy Enterprises, which they envisioned as a periodical, publishing initiative and clearing house to be stationed at Shange's home and funded on a not-for-profit basis to reach a mass of working black and third world people and to keep important black texts in print. This collective was in communication with possible chapters in Atlanta and in the Bay Area, met monthly in the homes of writers scholars and publishers and envisioned a transformed literary impact generated by their relationships to each other. Though it seems that Kizzy Enterprises never officially emerged, in November 1980, the women who had participated over the years in the Black Feminist Retreats hosted by the Combahee River Collective gathered in response to a phone conversation between Barbara Smith and Audre Lorde to create Kitchen Table Press. The gathering, which consisted almost exclusively of women of African American and Afro-Caribbean identification, agreed in that first meeting that the press would be for all third world women and women of color, not just black women and not just lesbians, though the Press did intend to combat the under-representation of lesbians of color on the literary landscape. At that first meeting the group also decided on the name "Kitchen Table Press" which they chose because it referred to alternative modes of invalidated production that women of color had depended on for their self-expression and survival. The press itself ran as a community-supported initiative, which at a significant financial burden kept all of its titles in print for its entire lifetime, regardless of sales.[11] Women who had participated in the Combahee River Collective and the Salsa Soul Sisters, a lesbian of color organization based in New York City, also formed the Azalea Collective, which hosted the first 3rd World Lesbian Writers conference and which produced a literary and visual arts publication with a rare editorial process of including all submissions from lesbians of color and rotating editorial responsibilities so that no one's labor became specialized, or taken for granted.[12] The publishing apparatus developed by these black feminists sought to create rival spaces of nurturing in the anthologies they produced. Most explicitly, Home Girls: A Black Feminist Anthology attempts to serve as a surrogate home for black feminists and lesbians who are rejected from black communities because of their refusal to reproduce a gendered status quo. In the introduction Barbara Smith explains her intentions to respond to the phenomena that "so many Black people who are threatened by feminism have argued that by being a Black feminist (especially if you are also a lesbian) you have left the race, are no longer a part of the black community, in short, no longer have a home." Smith explicitly reveals the mission of Home Girls as the creation of collective nurturing by and for black feminists who have rejected other models of home due to their commitment to a transformed future. Home in Home Girls becomes a process of alternative nurturing, responding to the patriarchal forms of home that text like Amiri Baraka's collection of essays entitled Home enforced. Learning to "mother ourselves," in the sense in which Lorde will express in Essence around the same time, is a call for the production of a rival sustainability, providing a system to produce a livable world.

"that dark rich land we wanted to wander through..."

21 While much of this essay has focused on a look at the activist and literary discourse of mothering generated by black feminists in the Northeastern United States, it is important to remember that the black feminists in this region were intentionally in communication not only with black feminists and writers in other regions of the United States but with self-identified black feminist all over the world. The black feminist literary scene was transnational in the late 20th century, but this was not a novelty of the avowed anti-imperialism of black feminists in this era. At the cusp of the previous century, black women writer and publisher Ida B. Wells founded the first international anti-lynching organizations during her travel to England, tracing a path that abolitionist and formerly enslaved woman had traveled before her. Black women from the Caribbean and the United States attended the graduation of Anna Julia Cooper from the Sorbonne in Paris. While researching and writing about these precedents, black feminist literary producers also nurtured a collective movement generated between the differences of their national contexts by reviewing each other's individual books and anthologies periodicals and writing letters of support and subscription to the wide variety of black feminist publications that emerged in the United States, Canada and Great Britain during the late 20th century. The pathologization of black maternity through political rhetoric and social policies in the United Kingdom and Canada led black feminists in these sites to critically engage social production and the language of mothering as well. As we contextualize a movement of black feminist publishing it is important to note the alternative modes of generation that black feminist collectives modeled. Elsewhere I catalog a number of the models to counter the dominant influence of capitalist markets on our historiography of black women's writing. The preponderance of anti-capitalist autonomous literary institutions created and sustained by black women writing in predominantly white national literary markets presents a trajectory through which to reread the contours of black feminist literary practice. My intention in this essay is to point out the queered genealogies of black mothering and to suggest that the figure of the mother in the ignored histories of black feminist anti-capitalist publishing in neocolonialist sites of power such as Canada, the United Kingdom and the United States could play the role that Michelle Wright suggests this figure plays in the theorization of diaspora. Production becomes visible, as does the violent reproduction of a status quo.

22 A black feminist transnational genealogy for the production of queer sociality and critique clarifies the intersections between reproductive rights, state sponsored narratives of pathology and the queered subjectivities of black women writers within hostile publishing markets and academic institutions. The articulation of queer contexts for mothering enables a theorization of queer intergenerationality, disrupting the oppositional positioning of queer critique and futurity, while maintaining a critique of heteropatriarchal reproduction. Meanwhile a look at the complicity between reproductive coherence and the brief publishing boon of "black women writers" encourages us to look at the dangerous, unmarketable publishing practices that black feminists (many of whom were at the same time working for capitalist publishing institutions) sustained across space and age. While the flows publishing capital sought to reproduce the presence of a few black women writer superstars across the English speaking first world (Alice Walker, Maya Angelou, Toni Morrison and to a lesser extent Audre Lorde and June Jordan), and to ignore indigenous black feminists movements with specific demands against the state structures of the United Kingdom, Canada and the third world feminist movement in the U.S, attention to the anti-capitalist publishing alternatives that black women nurtured in these sites reveals another geography of articulation and translation. The critique of reproductive futurity that a position centering black motherhood and queer subjectivity requires, illuminates the contours of a body of black feminist literary production that very reproductive force of a market economy as made invisible. But the exclusion of these important text need not be reproduced. Audre Lorde did not simply say "We can mother ourselves." She wrote, "We can learn to mother ourselves." This is one effort to enact that pedagogical process, such that a the reproduction of oppression loses its inevitability, such that the body of work that we call "black women writers" is deepened by our criticism of capitalist market limitations, such that we can present ourselves with alternate futures, and revised histories, and not turn away.

Works Cited

Christian, Barbara. "But What Do We Think We're Doing: The State of Black Feminist Criticism(s) or My Version of a Little Bit of History." Changing Our Own Words: Essays on Criticism, Theory and Writing by Black Women.(ed Cheryl Wall). New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1989. 58-64.

Cohen, Cathy. "Bulldaggers, Punks and Welfare Queens: The Radical Potential of Queer Politics?" GLQ: Gay and Lesbian Quarterly Vol. 3 Issue 4, 1997.

Ferguson, Roderick. "Of Our Normative Strivings: African American Studies and the Histories of Sexuality." Social Text. 23: 3-4, 2005. 85-100.

Gates, Henry Louis. "Introduction." Reading Black, Reading Feminist: A Critical Anthology. Ed. Henry Louis Gates. New York: Plume, 1990. 2-8.

Jones, Leroi (Amiri Baraka). Home: Social Essays. New York: William and Morrow, 1966.

Jordan, June. "A New Politics of Sexuality." Some of Us Did Not Die: New and Selected Essays of June Jordan. New York: Basic Books, 2003. 131-136.

_____. Living Room: New Poems 1980-1984. New York: Thunder's Mouth Press, 1984.

_____. "Old Stories: New Lives." Civil Wars. Boston: Beacon Press, 1981. 130-139.

Lorde, Audre. "Turning the Beat Around: Lesbian Parenting 1986." A Burst of Light Ithaca: Firebrand, 1988.

_____. "Eye to Eye: Black Women, Anger and Hatred." Sister Outsider: Essays and Speeches By Audre Lorde. Berkeley: The Crossing Press, 1984.

_____. "Manchild: A Black Feminist Response" Conditions Four. 4.1, 1979. 30-36.

New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 2000.. "When Will Ignorance End: Keynote Speech at National Conference of Third World Lesbians and Gay Men." Off Our Backs. November 1979: 8.

Lubiano, Wahneema. "Black Ladies, Welfare Queens and State Minstrels: Ideological War by Narrative Means." Race-ing Justice, Engendering Power: Essays on Anita Hill, Clarence Thomas and the Construction of Social Reality. Ed. Toni Morrison. New York: Random House, 1992. 323-362.

Roberts, Dorothy. "Feminism, Race and Adoption." The Color of Violence: The INCITE Anthology . Cambridge, MA: South End Press, 2006. 42-52.

Singer, Linda. Erotic Welfare: Sexual Theory and Politics in the Age of Epidemic. New York: Routledge, 1992.

Smith, Barbara (Ed).Home Girls: A Black Feminist Anthology. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 2000.

_____. "Building Black Women's Studies." The Politics of Women Studies: Testimony from Thirty Founding Mothers. Ed. Florence Howe. New York: Feminist Press, 2001. 194-203.

Smith, Barbara and Beverly. "'I am Not Meant to Be Alone and Without You Who Understand': Letters from Black Feminists, 1972-1978." Conditions Four.4.1, 1979. 62-77.

Spillers Hortense with Farah Jasmine Griffin, Saidiya Hartman, Shelly Eversley and Jennifer Morgan. "Watcha Gonna Do?: Revisiting 'Mama's Baby Papa's Maybe: An American Grammar Book." Women's Studies Quarterly . 35:1, 2, Spring/Summer 2007. 300- 304.

Spillers Hortense.`"'The Permanent Obliquity of an In(phall)ibly Straight': In the Time of the Daughters and the Fathers." Black White and In Color: Essays on American Literature and Culture. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003. 230-250.

Walker, Alice. "In Search of Our Mother's Gardens." In Search of Our Mother's Gardens: Womanist Prose. New York: Harcourt, 1984. 231-243.

Wright, Michelle. Becoming Black: Creating Identity in the African Diaspora. Durham: Duke University Press, 2004.


  • 1) September 28 broadcast of Salem Radio Network's Bill Bennett's Morning in America.
  • 2) Luz Rodriguez, "Population Control in Puerto Rico", Conference Presentation at Let's Talk About Sex the SisterSong 10th Anniversary Conference, May 2006.
  • 3) Elizabeth Freeman. "Time Binds or Erotohistoriography." Social Text 84-85, Vol. 23, Nos 3-4, Fall -Winter 2005. Discussed in more detail later.
  • 4) See, for example, the Audre Lorde Project, a center for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, two-spirit people of color organizing in New York City ( or Zami an organization of "lesbians of African descent" in Atlanta or National Black Justice Coalition (an organization committed to the legal rights of black non-heterosexual people) feature of June Jordan on Day 1 of their black history campaign.
  • 5) Cherrie Moraga at "Sister Comrade" a celebration of Audre Lorde and Pat Parker at the First Congregational Church in Oakland, California on November 3rd. 2007.
  • 6) See Judith Halberstam in In a Queer Time and Place: Transgender Bodies, Subcultural Lives. New York: NYU Press, 2005. And Jose Munoz "Queerness as Horizon: Utopian Hermeneutics in the Face of Gay Pragmatism" (forthcoming).
  • 7) Roderick Ferguson. Aberrations in Black: Towards a Queer of Color Critique. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2003. 127.
  • 8) The Politics of Being Other: Third World Women. Heresies: A Feminist Publication on Art and Politics. Vol. 2 No. 4, 1979, 1.
  • 9) Chandra Mohanty, Conference Presentation "Transnational Feminisms" at Mellon-Mays Summer Conference, June 14th 2006.
  • 10) "Correspondence with Chrysalis." Box 85, Folder 1. Radcliffe Library: Harvard University.
  • 11) Barbara Smith. "Memorial Address for Audre Lorde." Box 101, Folder 4. June Jordan Archives. Radcliffe Library: Harvard University.
  • 12) "Note" in Azalea, front matter. Vol.1 No. 2.

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